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Irish America magazine - June/July '03 issue: Anjelica Huston, Pierce Brosnan, Saving Private (Jessica) Lynch, Kabul’s Irish Club, Paul Muldoon, Ronan Tynan, Jeanie Johnston - replica famine ship, Senator Pat Moynihan, Inside the Arab World

 
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Two Irish writers and one Irish American journalist have been honored with Pulitzer Prizes.
 
 
 
Police Report Confirms NI Security Force Collusion

Reports by Frank Shouldice

Finucane Murder Should Have Been Prevented

Evidence of collusion between British Army officers, the police force, and loyalist paramilitaries in targeting Irish republicans was starkly revealed in the digest of a wide-ranging 3,000-page report published by John Stevens, chief of London’s Metropolitan Police. Interim findings of the Stevens Report, as it is known, unveil a shocking web of collusion within the security forces in Northern Ireland. It reveals that intelligence sources within the police and military ran illegal operations in conjunction with known loyalist paramilitaries. It also finds that the 1987 murder of Protestant teenager Adam Lambert – mistaken for a Catholic – and the high-profile assassination of solicitor Pat Finucane in 1989 could have been prevented. Those responsible for both murders could easily have been caught, the report alleges.

In addition, Stevens accuses the Royal Ulster Constabulary (now called the Police Service of Northern Ireland) and the British Army of willfully obstructing and misleading his investigation. He alleges that key information was withheld and that the fire, which occurred at his team’s operational center near Belfast, was deliberately caused by arson.

John Stevens unveiled his potentially explosive report on April 17. The four-year investigation is his third separate inquiry into security matters in Northern Ireland. He first began his work in 1989 to investigate alleged breaches of security by the RUC and British Army but told reporters that the extent of collusion uncovered this time was “way beyond” any irregularities uncovered by the two previous inspections. Collusion took the form of “the willful failure to keep records, the absence of accountability, the withholding of intelligence and evidence [and] the extreme [case] of agents being involved in murder.”

Such a controversial report has re-ignited demands for a full inquiry into Pat Finucane’s murder. In attempting to establish a timetable of events, the Stevens report noted that Douglas Hogg, then junior minister at the British Home Office, told the House of Commons that certain figures in the legal profession in Northern Ireland were “unduly sympathetic to the cause” of the Provisional IRA. Three weeks later the Catholic solicitor was shot dead in front of his wife Geraldine and their three children.

In an unrelated trial three years later, UDA intelligence officer Brian Nelson was revealed as a British Army agent. Nelson was found to have given the security forces a tip-off about loyalist plans to kill Finucane. The tip-off was ignored. Facing court charges of his own, Nelson was jailed for ten years on five counts of conspiracy to murder Catholics.

In June 1999, a former UDA quartermaster and RUC Special Branch agent, William Stobie, was charged with killing the solicitor. At his trial two years later, Stobie admitted to providing the gun for the assassination but denied carrying out the shooting. The case against him collapsed when a key witness refused to testify. Stobie walked free but was killed two months later by loyalist gunmen.

Brian Nelson, 53, did not fare much better. He served his sentence and was subsequently released from jail only to die in Canada from a brain hemorrhage. Nelson’s death occurred just five days before the Stevens Report was released.

Geraldine Finucane has long demanded a full judicial inquiry into events surrounding her husband’s murder. Through the years she has been supported by various human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, and in 1998 the United Nations backed her call. The British government refused to open such an inquiry but appointed John Stevens the following year to carry out an internal police investigation. The Finucane family will not be satisfied if the Stevens Report brings the matter to a close. Although he makes 21 recommendations – and intends to return next January to see if they have been implemented – the report falls far short of their demand for a public, sworn inquiry. Canadian judge Peter Cory is presently examining six controversial murders in Northern Ireland to assess whether a full judicial inquiry is warranted.

Even if the Stevens Report does not satisfy the relatives of murder victims, its confirmation of collusion fully validates suspicions long-held by many within the nationalist community. “I believe the RUC investigation of Pat Finucane’s murder should have resulted in the early arrest and detention of his killers,” found Stevens. “I conclude there was collusion in both murders [Lambert and Finucane] and the circumstances surrounding them,” he said, adding that Douglas Hogg, for one, was “compromised” after his remarks to the House of Commons.

Stevens’ findings have potentially opened a can of worms. The report raises major questions on the chain of command and who-knew-what about intelligence strategy involving army, police and loyalist gunmen.

SDLP (Social Democratic Labour Party) leader Mark Durkan felt it leaves many questions unanswered. “It does not say how high the collusion went,” he said. “What did our supposed great and good know about this?” he asked, demanding to know whether former RUC chiefs Ronnie Flanagan and Hugh Annesley, former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Tom King and former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were in on it. “What did they know when nationalists were being murdered with state collusion?” posed Durkan.

However, the Stevens Report does not end with allegations and recommendations. On the basis of three separate investigations over 14 years, he has sent a total of 57 files to the Director of Public Prosecutions. More files may follow.

The London police commissioner holds that the security forces in Northern Ireland do not provide the same level for protection to Catholics as they do for Protestants. He was particularly scathing about a lack of cooperation from the RUC Special Branch but was also critical of sections of the British Army, the RUC and the army’s Force Research Unit (FRU) which handles counter-terrorist intelligence.

“Informants and agents were allowed to operate without effective control and to participate in terrorist crimes,” he concluded. “Nationalists were known to be targeted but were not properly warned or protected. Important evidence was neither exploited nor preserved.”

Despite the shocking nature of his report, officials in Dublin and London insist that current political negotiations between the Irish and British governments would not be adversely affected by the revelations. Brian Cowen, Minister for Foreign Affairs, said that Stevens’ conclusions were of “the utmost gravity” but had to be seen “in total isolation” from government attempts to revive the deadlocked peace talks.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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